– Gjon Bruçi –
Finally, after 13 years and six months, the tragedy of January 21, 2011, one of the most shocking events for the Albanian citizens, and also the most accurate reflection of the pseudo-democracy installed in our country at the end of the ’90s, returns to the “stage.” This time, the “producer” of the show is the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which, after reviewing the complaints of the injured parties on that fatal date for the citizens peacefully demonstrating in Tirana’s boulevard, called on the Albanian judiciary to re-investigate and punish those responsible for the state crime of January 21, 2011.
Initially, the injured complainants of this massacre approached the Special Anti-Corruption Structure (SPAK), as the only institution still enjoying some degree of trust and hope for justice. SPAK, citing “lack of competence,” referred the case to the Capital Court, the first judicial authority, which, after several back-and-forths with the Prime Minister’s Office and other institutions, had “buried” the matter. However, thanks to the persistence of lawyer Idajet Beqiri, and compelled by Strasbourg, the Penal College of the Supreme Court recommended (more accurately, directed) the investigation and judgement to SPAK.
But can SPAK handle this case, which was buried 13 years ago along with the innocent victims and the masquerades of the killers? It is extremely difficult, if not impossible. Let’s leave the suppositions and conjectures aside and present some arguments for the definitions “extremely difficult” and “impossible”:
1. We all acknowledge that SPAK is trying to restore missing justice and eliminate the impunity of over 30 years in our country. The figures of imprisoned and prosecuted individuals for corruption and crimes appear significant, but the quality leaves much to be desired. So far, we have only detained and convicted small- and medium-sized “fish,” whose punishments are minimal due to “shortened trials” or other procedural reasons compared to their “deeds.” Almost no ministers, deputy prime ministers or acting mayors have been detained or convicted, only when they become “former” officials. Not to mention former prime ministers and presidents, who at most receive “house arrest” with the right to make public speeches from balconies. Above all, although there are numerous arrests and convictions, the graph of reducing corruption and crime does not show a decline, but on the contrary.
2. The case of January 21 is a massive issue, equating to the disasters of ’97, ’98 and Gërdec. Just like these three years with their disasters, January 21, 2011 involves a multitude of characters, ranging from the soldier of the guard to the Prime Minister and President of the Republic. In this labyrinth of characters, some of whom have already fled Albania, it is challenging to enforce political wills and practical actions of institutions efficiently. Notice: If it took three or four years to investigate the incinerators, sterilization and check-ups, with no concrete results yet, imagine what will happen with January 21, which will require two or three times the years. Not to mention the “escapes” before the executions of arrests, as happened with the latest eight arrest warrants, none of which were executed.
3. The greatest difficulty in investigating and punishing the perpetrators of the state massacre of January 21 lies in the fact that this massacre involves characters from the entire political and state “front,” and even international entities are entangled in the web of this date. Anyone who has closely followed the notable events of the last three decades in our country is convinced that ’97, ’98, Gërdec and January 21 are the four culminating points of organized crime against the interests of the country and its citizens. The main author of this “quartet,” as of many other uncountable disasters, has been Sali Berisha. But he did not act alone. No one can claim that ’97 was solely Berisha’s doing. He was the “commander,” but politicians from all political spectrums, plus close and distant foreigners, assisted him in various forms, willingly or not. The amnesty for this monstrous crime that brought Albania to its knees proves this point. For the 1998 coup d’état, the main character was again Berisha, who in 2000 was detained at one of the police stations in the capital. But after a few hours, phone calls from the USA, Italy and Germany set him free again, and even after a few years, he was brought back to power. We have former Foreign Minister Paskal Milo as a witness to this, who stated this fact on a TV show in 2020. We will not comment on Gërdec, as it is known that Gërdec was the work of the Pentagon, where Sali with his son and others made “some money” from the arms trade deals. But what about January 21? Ask the former National Informative Service (SHIK) chief at the time, Mr. Klosi, who stated on television that it was he who conveyed the international message to Berisha. And the message, as Klosi hinted, was “to maintain stability by any means,” threatened by the strong and daily demonstrations of the citizens led by the Socialist Party. This last reason is the main one, as it not only endangers the exit of Western friends but above all would collapse the “facade democracy” of the rotten capitalist system imposed in our country like a sandcastle.
4. Another argument complicating and blocking the investigation and judgement of January 21 to the end is the risk of exposing the entire political top echelon of our country. When we say the political top echelon, we mean the three main parties, the Democratic Party, Socialist Party and Freedom Party (Socialist Movement for Integration), which have directed politics and governance over these three and a half decades of endless transition. All citizens know very well that the spark which raised Socialist Party militants and not only them to demonstrate was the 700,000 euro block of Ilir Meta, former head of the Socialist Movement for Integration, and former Minister of Energy, Dritan Prifti. Furthermore, if Berisha were to be brought before the court for January 21, necessarily Edi Rama, the organizer and leader of the January 21, 2011 demonstration, would be placed alongside him. Although not leading the demonstration, the crowds overstepped their rights as demonstrators by throwing stones and sticks at the police, who were rightfully in their guarding position. This, without a doubt, was one of the reasons that led to firearms being used, something no prosecutor or judge can ignore in their judgement.
Given what we have outlined above, we can safely say that members of the January 21, 2011 crime include not only Berisha with his commanding chain but also the politicians Meta and Rama, the first a government member and the latter its opposition. Certainly, these two cannot be equated with Berisha, alias the “Albanian Arturo Ui,” but nevertheless, they cannot escape justice.
These are the arguments I believe will block and suspend genuine justice for the tragic January 21 incident and beyond.
The situation would change if the prosecutor Dumani and his SPAK colleagues took their oath seriously and bravely defended justice and punished impunity, the wound which has nourished and continues to nourish organized crime and rampant corruption gripping politics, the state and the entire country.
Can SPAK achieve this? It is extremely difficult, even impossible, because they are part of a system whose foundations are precisely supported by crime and corruption, assets that it breeds and multiplies every day.
(Translated from the Albanian original and first published in “Gazeta SOT” on July 18, 2024)
Published in:
